… can the DPP A-Team deliver
The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) convention was a reunion party, dancing and singing and even its leader, Professor Peter Mutharika and his wife, Gertrude, took to the dance floor, that is, before the delegates voted. The outcome was a mixed bag- the good, the firebrands and then the controversial ones all were voted in, some with large margins.
Compared to the MCP convention, which was quite conservative combined with routine singing, the DPP convention had 35-year-old Alfred Gangata, perhaps the youngest vice president for a major party, showcasing his dance moves, ironically as the madala team- the elderly – watched politics in transition. The 2500 delegates voted; some winners received their highest votes than others showing the popularity ranking within the party structures. This matters to know where power is.
Just like MCP, two questions linger: Is this the best of the DPP, and can it win the next elections? And who yields power now in the DPP?
Balance of power within DPP
The DPP delegates might have had their own formulae, electing people based on how they presented themselves, sending others into shock retirement, and creating surprises that even the leaders wouldn’t understand. The biggest surprises for the convention were the falls of George Chaponda, Clement Mwale, and Chimwemwe Chipungu—Vice President of South, Secretary General, and National Organising Secretary, respectively.
The three were key organizers of the convention, meaning they were in touch with delegates throughout preparations. However, delegates were not impressed with them. They decided to go for their rivals, and with it came a strong balance of power.
There was a balance of power because behind the scenes, some candidates were said to have been in specific camps, and lists circulated advising which candidates to vote for. Some powerful backers had silent candidates to try and recreate centres of power in the next five years—the projects ended in tears.
Unlike his MCP colleague President Lazarus Chakwera, who has lost control of his party to one camp, Peter Mutharika remains in control, with a mixture of camps that will compete for his ear and not pull the carpet under him. He is alert and seems to follow the news closely. Yes, that “Ambuye mtengeni” remark shows he is well versed in what is happening at the lowest levels of society.
APM vs Chakwera
The stage is set again for a fourth duel between President Chakwera and former President Peter Mutharika, and Professor Mutharika’s tone and manner show that the battle won’t be soft. At 84, he has a point to prove that he is electable.
His convention speech was a start, calling the MCP President a President, not a leader. They fought in 2014, 2019 and 2020. Mutharika won two, and Chakwera, with the help of Late Saulosi Chilima, won the third round. The fourth will be almost on equal ground.
Both are dominant in one region, both have served a term, both are accused of tribalism, and both are seeking their last term of office. One will have to emerge as the winner and become a leader.
Both Chakwera and Mutharika have offered leadership for Malawi, and the results are available to the public. Four basic measures are likely to define who will take the mantle on 16 September 2025.
The measures are food security, economic stability, basic public services and development. Mutharika is very proud of his record in food security and economic stability, two topics President Chakwera has enough excuses to throw around. Poor public services and development are under dispute- where the development projects are prioritised and what is a national priority as the majority of Malawi areas are still the same after 60 years of independence.
Worse still, President Chakwera can’t promise cheap fertiliser or jobs, as after his campaign in 2019 and 2020, he promised delivery of fertilisers and 1 million jobs.
However, perceptions of corruption, nepotism, tribalism and regionalism will haunt the two rulers as both have public images redefined by these traits. It might be a choice of lesser evil.
But 4 million hungry Malawians this farming season, would have longer memory than most politicians, who think dishing a few kwachas buys them votes.
Vice Presidents Mwanamvenkha, Msaka, Jappie and Gangata
APM, or Adadi as his admirers call him, will make his last bid for the presidency next year if he runs, and then the delayed battle for the top will start again. The frontline is already defined: Mwanamvenkha, Bright Msaka, Jappie Mhango, and Alfred Gangata. Depending on the political landscape, one of the vice presidents could become the next leader of the party or none.
The battles for vice president were interesting outcomes of a power play. Mwanamvenkha, for many, is a quiet man but a hard-working technocrat. How he managed to speak and convince delegates can be classified as a major mystery of the convention.
But his win as vice president for the South—the DPP base—gives him the power to develop his political profile from the business suits he is known for to a people’s person, especially after the elections. He won against Dr. George Chaponda, largely seen as close to the party president. He will also need to build his relationship with the boss.
Then enters Msaka, the most experienced politician having served as Head of Civil Service for Presidents Bakili Muluzi, Bingu wa Mutharika, Joyce Banda and as Minister in President Peter Mutharika’s cabinet. He is the only second Secretary to the President and Cabinet after the Late Justin Malewezi to join frontline politics.
Msaka faced a surprise competition—Lonnie Chijere, an outspoken lady. For a while, being a woman, it was thought she would win the post, especially as there were rumours that her backers were equally powerful. The delegates decided to stick with Msaka or his campaign utilised experience and delivered an emphatic win.
No individual knows the public service in Malawi better than Bright Msaka, compared to many present and previous Cabinet Ministers. This would give him the advantage of becoming a running mate should DPP decide to run alone. He hails from the Eastern political region and delivers several seats, higher than any region outside the Southern political region.
Like Mwanamvenkha, Msaka has made it clear that he wants to lead the party. His two terms as vice president for the East will likely make him the longest-serving vice president for the DPP. The South has had changes of Chaponda, Nankhumwa, and Chaponda again, the North late Goodall Gondwe and now Jappie Mhango, and the Centre has been most fluid, with the last two being Zeria Chakale and Alfred Gangata.
It will be Msaka or Manamvenkha that would make interesting watch as Jappie Mhango and Alfred Gangata have played “safer politics” staying within the acceptable lights. However, should the two for the North and Centre deliver better than expected results in 2025, they will both cement their role in Malawi politics.
Gangata, at 35, still has more time to develop his career. Coming from Dedza, largely the MCP’s political base, he will need to double his work and deliver so that his win against Paul Gadama is not seen as a fluke.
Navicha, Mukhito, Sameer Sulieman and Chisale
The combination of Secretary General Peter Mukhito, National Organising Secretary Sameer Sulieman, Director of Women Mary Navicha and Director of Youth Norman Chisale tells of a mixture of the firebrands and controversial.
First, Peter Mukhito, the former Inspector General, is soft-spoken but always remembered for Bingu wa Mutharika’s proclamation “Mukhito sapepesa” over the Chancellor College Academic Freedom saga. He has largely remained quiet and doesn’t speak, but the garnering of 1524 votes against Clement Mwale 357 shows an underground network that cannot be ignored.
As former head of the Police service, he should be well connected across the country, making him perhaps the first politician with a dense network of information, which can be vital to his party or cause more trouble. He has not said where his ambition lies, but having worked under the two Mutharikas, there is no limit to his ambition, and his calmness is turning into a huge political asset.
While MCP’s SG Richard Chimwendo Banda is well known for stage speeches, the public is to wait for a Mukhito speech to see the brand of politics the former Police Chief brings. Next is Norman Chisale, a controversial Mutharika loyalist who has become the most arrested politician in Malawi’s history.
Chisale is epitome of controversy, liked and hated in the same measure but feared by other parties evidenced by continued efforts to lock him. He has been noted to mobilise youth to deliver political statements, some good and some bad. He was even blamed for unruly youth who booed and made President Chakwera show a clean pair of heels at the funeral of former vice president Saulos Chilima.
It is widely expected that he will win his constituency in Ntcheu, and the death of Chilima and the aftermath anger gives Chisale a base he can utilise to his advantage. The challenge will be to sell himself nationally as the best political role model for the youth. He has plenty of admirers and detractors- compared to other Directors of Youth UTM’s Fredokiss Penjani Kalua and MCP’s Baba Malondela, his ranking will be largely determined by how DPP youth behave during these forthcoming elections.
A mix of vibrancy and controversy is what Mary Navicha and Sameer Suleiman are- they competed against powerful personalities, Roza Mbilizi for the Director of Women post and National Organising Secretary, which was held by Chimwemwe Chipungu.
Their win could have come as a surprise considering the resources people like Roza Mbilizi pumped into her campaign, but the two seem to be people-persons who are not afraid to be controversial or firebrands.
During the few days she was Acting Leader of the Opposition, Navicha was a marvel to watch; at least she could speak, and for a few months Government had to answer to the opposition. For Suleiman, he remains among the only three MPs in parliament who spoke for Malawians. No wonder DPP delegates wanted someone who can speak out, and they got the right candidate.
Can the A team deliver
One thing the DPP has attempted to do well is balance the vice presidents in all regions and regionally distribute positions. That is a political strength. Its team has experience winning and losing elections, running government, and perhaps a combination of the good, the firebrands, and the controversial, which could mean either strength or chaos.
The next election is now shaping as voters wait for the direction President Joyce Banda, UTM, and UDF will undertake. In 50% +1 electoral systems, they hold deciding votes. DPP and MCP need them, or if they decide to form a third alternative with Banda as a candidate, it could open the race to three ways.
The MCP will need to find new promises and a narrative that it can deliver. The DPP will need to show it’s a born-again party and less arrogant. The smaller parties will need to rebrand and come together to ensure that voters know exactly what they are voting for.
There is a good section of Malawians not impressed by the outcomes of the two major parties so far.
