MACRA SPYWARE: COULD IT BE ISRAEL PEGASUS?

…dangerous spyware that can spy on smartphones

…Ghana exposed as reselling point in Africa

….HASHCOM team in Malawi to install monitoring equipment

Daud Suleiman, Director General of Malawi Communications Authority (MACRA) addressed the media in response to his purchase of what he calls “misinformation and disinformation” software costing US$1.5 million (K4.5 billion at street dollar rate) but failed to mention the name of the software- as it could be the Israel developed Pegasus- a high surveillance technology that can unlock smartphones.

Daud Suleiman, Director General of MACRA addressed the media in response to his purchase of what he calls “misinformation and disinformation” software

According to US military write up -Pegasus is a powerful spyware that can secretly infiltrate mobile phones and extract a wide range of data, including messages, calls, photos, and location information. It can even activate the phone’s camera and microphone without the owner’s knowledge.

The Investigator Magazine research shows that Pegasus reselling company in Africa is based in Ghana and the MACRA equivalent National Communications Authority spent US$5.5 million to buy Pegasus which was later abused by the government to spy on journalists, human rights activists, political opponents, and other individuals critical of governments.

Seven Ghanaians including the owner of Hashcom Ghana Ltd Baba Halidu Musa were spotted at Mpingwe Peak from 29 January 2025 installing equipment simply said for monitoring and insiders say they are based at old MTL centre in Blantyre which was bought from MACRA.

Baba Halidu Musa is the sole owner of Bahamus which lists NCA as its client completing the link that MACRA is using Hashcom to install spyware against the laws of Malawi. The serious nature of the allegations requires an independent investigation and a halt to the whole purchase, said an ICT expert.

MCP scared of 2025 elections

With elections in less than 32 weeks and a very unpopular President Lazarus Chakwera, it is certain that the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) is desperate to manipulate the outcome, therefore the purchase of the spyware which is being defended by MACRA at the time of the deep economic crises and food shortages fits into a pattern that critical elements and political opposition will be spied upon.

(FILES) In this file photo taken on May 18, 2019 opposition Malawi Congress Party (MCP) leader and presidential candidate Lazarus Chakwera (L) waves to the crowd as he arrives at the last campaign rally, in Lilongwe, ahead of general elections. – Chakwera on June 27, 2020 was declared winner of this week’s presidential election re-run with 58.75 percent of the vote according to the electoral commission said, AFP reports. (Photo by GIANLUIGI GUERCIA / AFP)

Intelligence and formal opinion polls have placed the MCP as losing to its bitter rival the Democratic Progress Party (DPP) and the party Secretary General Richard Chimwendo Banda has been offering millions of kwacha to opposition politicians to join the ruling party.

The Investigator Magazine constituency polling shows almost all Cabinet Ministers losing parliamentary seats and the MCP failing to get majorities in needs in Central Region mainly due to the mess created in the fertiliser subsidy programme.

“It is a fact the MCP is in a panic mode. Especially those that have accessed government resources in appropriately. Then there us a struggle for power, five centres of power many setting themselves for post-Chakwera leadership of the MCP. The only way to counter opposition is to hack them,” explained a former intelligence official.

A State House source claimed some technologically advanced systems were being installed at Kamuzu Palace in Lilongwe, though we could not independently verify if it was linked to the spyware MACRA has already bought.

Is Pegasus already in Malawi?

Suleiman adhoc media briefing was to cover up that the system was already in the country and townhouses belonging to Simbi Phiri in Area 18 Lilongwe are said to be rented by MACRA a operation centre of the spy business allowing National Intelligence Service and MCP officials to collect data without being seen at MACRA offices, senior MACRA officials alleged.

The Investigator Magazine is in process of confirming the units MACRA intends or has leased for the illegal clandestine operations which is not provided for in its institutive act- the Communications Act.

However, the Investigator Magazine has been given names of Baba Halidu Musa, Conwell Naeeya, Daniel Atsitsre, Jonah Etuaful. Mohammed Abubakar, Samuel Acquah and Moris Kanor as Bahamus team that landed in Malawi last week to instal the system.

Some MACRA officials claim a team of three is working with the Ghanaians secretly raising questions why a public authority was doing things outside the normal procedure.

Another official said MACRA bought two systems- one for surveillance of social media which is likely the Pegasus and the other being for broadcasting monitoring of radios and televisions which it did not have. The broadcasting equipment was also given to Hashcom raising questions of inside collusion on pricing which could be cuts for MACRA senior officials- hence the public defence of the deals that have no benefit to struggling Malawians.

On spy software, only Pegasus is recorded to be sold in Ghana, nothing else.

Pegasus can even activate your phone camera without you knowing it

According to US military write up -Pegasus is a powerful spyware that can secretly infiltrate mobile phones and extract a wide range of data, including messages, calls, photos, and location information. It can even activate the phone’s camera and microphone without the owner’s knowledge.

No phone will be spared from infiltration

NSO Group claims to sell Pegasus only to governments for the purpose of fighting crime and terrorism. However, there is strong evidence that it has been used to target journalists, human rights activists, political opponents, and other individuals critical of governments.

The Ghanaian government acquired Pegasus spyware from NSO Group. There are allegations that the Ghanaian government used Pegasus to spy on political opponents and dissidents. This raises serious concerns about human rights violations and the suppression of dissent.

Ghana’s intelligence agency reportedly launched an investigation into the allegations of Pegasus misuse. However, the findings of this investigation have not been publicly released.

NSO Group has claimed that although Ghana bought the spyware, it was never actually used in the country. This claim is difficult to verify independently. In a related development, a court in Ghana sentenced three former government officials to jail terms for their involvement in the purchase of spyware from NSO Group, citing financial losses to the state.

Israel spyware is part of it’s approach in Africa

International human rights groups revealed that Ghana had purchased Pegasus spyware from the Israeli group NS0 under dubious conditions. The acquisition by a country often considered a model in Africa confirmed that the Israeli cyberweapons and surveillance industry was closely linked to Tel Aviv’s diplomacy and normalization program in Africa, from Togo to Morocco.

Under President Lazarus Chakwera, Israel relations have been close even at the time of the Gaza war and reports of alleged rigging scheme by Israels have been reported in social media and the purchase of Pegasus spyware confirms the MCP-Israel elections connection.

The military grade spyware is sold only to governments and the Malawi Government use of the Ghana points at an elaborate plan to deceive Malawians, making it urgent that the project should be cancelled at inception.

The Pegasus spyware in Ghana has caused mayhem to journalists, human rights activists and opposition figures.

Pegasus in Ghana

By Suraya Dadoo- Freelance writer based in Johannesburg, South Africa. Find her on Twitter: @Suraya_Dadoo

In May 2021, Oliver Barker-Vormawor, a founder of #FixtheCountry – a protest movement in Ghana demanding accountability, good governance, and better living conditions from the government of President Nana Akufo-Addo – alleged that the country’s National Security ministry was illegally monitoring the phone of a member of the social media powered citizen movement.

According to Barker-Vormawor, calls to the device began being diverted to an unknown number after #FixtheCountry leadership met with National Security officials in May 2021. Ghanaian government officials called Barker-Vormawor’s allegations “false and baseless” and downplayed claims of illegal surveillance.

One of Pegasus’ 26 known clients

Yet, just six months later, investigative journalist group, Forbidden Stories revealed that the phones of Ghanaian citizens were indeed being illegally monitored. Ghana was one of 26 countries where the military-grade cyber-surveillance system, Pegasus – developed by the Israeli surveillance technology company, NSO Group – had been used to spy on the private communications of individuals.

Pegasus capable of cracking encrypting communications of any smartphone, turning it into a spying tool. The spyware can only be sold with the permission of the Israeli government, and then only to governments and their agencies. Ghana’s Pegasus targets were notified by Apple that their devices were potential targets of state-sponsored attackers.

The revelation that Pegasus was being used by the Ghanaian government was particularly shocking since Ghana is often referenced as a model democracy in Africa. Located in west Africa, Ghana’s political stability, peaceful political transitions, robust political debate and democratic governance stands in stark contrast to many other nations in that region where political instability, authoritarianism and violent power struggles characterise political life.

The sordid history of Pegasus’s purchase and presence in Ghana, however, is antithetical to the country’s long-held democratic reputation and traditions.

In December 2015, Infralocks Development Limited (IDL) signed a $5.5 million contract with the NSO Group to purchase Pegasus. IDL was to then resell Pegasus to Ghana’s telecommunications regulator, the National Communications Authority (NCA), for $8 million.

Neither the NSO Group, nor officials in the Israeli Ministry of Defence – which grants export licenses for Pegasus – verified whether IDL was a recognised Pegasus reseller.

In Ghana, monitoring the opposition

Despite these serious oversights, NSO staff arrived in Ghana in June 2016 – just six months after the contracts were signed – to install Pegasus and train local officials on how to use the equipment.

Though the NCA was listed as the purchaser, the system was installed at the apartment of Ghana’s national security advisor. It was the National Security ministry that actually wanted the spying technology. This led to speculation that the government, then led by the National Democratic Congress (NDC), planned to use Pegasus to snoop on opposition figures ahead of elections in December 2016.

The secret purchase of Pegasus became public knowledge only due to financial corruption from the officials involved in the transaction. NSO claimed it received only half the money owed to it, and removed the software that would have made the equipment operational. For years, both NSO and the Ghanaian authorities maintained this account of events.

In May 2020, Accra’s High Court ruled that the purchase of Pegasus was illegal and unauthorized. Two NCA officials and the then-national security advisor were convicted of corruption.

Forbidden Stories was the first time that Ghana was named in any report on the use of Pegasus. “It effectively opened a can of worms on whether Ghana had the software or not,” says Emmanuel Dogbevi, editor of Ghana Business News. Dogbevi closely followed and reported on the court case for years.

Realising that Pegasus was used in Ghana was a “chilling” moment for Dogbevi because of the consistent assurances from Ghanaian authorities that the spyware hadn’t been operational.

Everyone involved in the criminal investigation has refused to speak to media about the issue. Questions sent to the NDC and the Ministry of National Security remain unanswered.

This silence among Ghana’s political leadership is due to the fact that the NDC – which was the governing party when Pegasus was bought illegally in 2016 – and the current ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP) which is now accused of using the spyware – both have an interest in stifling interest in Pegasus’ use in Ghana. Neither wants to stir things up.

Israeli authorities, too, are also silent.

In Israel, there is almost 100% silence on Pegasus and it’s coming from the government and the Ministries of Defence and Foreign Affairs,” says Eitay Mack. Mack is an attorney representing fifty prominent Israeli academics and activists – including a former speaker of Israel’s parliament – who have requested that Israel’s Attorney-General investigate the sale of Pegasus to Ghana, and the complicity of Israel’s Ministries of Defence (MoD) and Foreign Affairs (MFA).

A bargaining chip within the African Union?

The NSO Group and its dubious sale of Pegasus spyware to Ghana isn’t an isolated case of an Israeli company making a dodgy deal in Africa. This is part of a larger story of Israel’s spyware diplomacy on the continent. Israel’s cyber-weapons and surveillance industry is closely tied to Tel Aviv’s diplomacy and normalisation agenda abroad.

Spyware is precious diplomatic currency for Israel as the country seeks to normalize relations and fight a global Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) campaign against its occupation of Palestine which is consistently being compared to apartheid policies in South Africa.

Countries like Mexico and Panama have shifted their positions toward Israel in important votes at the United Nations after gaining access to Pegasus. The sale of Pegasus also played a critical role in sustaining Israel’s friendship with Saudi Arabia. Access to spyware was central to Israel securing the support of Arab nations during negotiations of the Abraham Accords.

Spyware may have also played a role in Israel securing its observer status at the African Union (AU) – a position it has coveted for almost two decades.

In July 2021, in a controversial move that split the AU, Israel achieved its goal and received accreditation from AU Commission chairperson, Moussa Faki Mahamat.

Sources who were at the AU Heads of State Summit in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, in February, confirmed to this writer that Israeli diplomats offered military, surveillance and intelligence assistance to some African leaders in exchange for supporting Israel’s accreditation. Mahamat’s decision was widely expected to be reversed at the summit. Shockingly, Israel’s AU status was upheld.

Ghana, under the current leadership of Nana Akufo-Addo, has been one of Israel’s most vocal and consistent supporters at the AU, lobbying hard for Israel to be granted observer status.

Did Israel use spyware as a bargaining chip with Ghana in its lobbying for AU accreditation status?

Journalists and activists in Côte d’Ivoire, Rwanda, Morocco, and Togo, along with Kenya, Equatorial Guinea, Egypt, Cameroon, Uganda and Ethiopia can also ask the same question. Israeli spyware has been used in all these countries. These are also countries that have supported Israel’s AU observer status bid.

Strengthening authoritarianism in Africa

Israel’s search for legitimacy in Africa has led to its powerful spying tools – developed out of its militarised and illegal occupation of Palestine and field-tested on the Palestinian population under its control – ending up in the hands of a new generation of authoritarian leaders in Africa.

Cyber-weapons like Pegasus are more deadly and destabilizing than conventional arms. For power-hungry African leaders looking to Israel as a blueprint for surveillant their own citizens, these technologies are ideal. They are relatively cheap, easily distributed and can be deployed with little consequences to their regimes.

The lack of accountability, transparency and regulation on the sale and provision of surveillance tools provides further protection to these repressive leaders, exacerbating authoritarianism in Africa – often with dangerous consequences for journalists, human rights activists and government critics.

Togolese journalist, Komlanvi Ketohou, fled Togo last year after he was arrested and detained. His device, along with those of several other journalists, was targeted for surveillance by Togolese authorities. Ketohu’s newspaper was reporting on nationwide protests opposing President Faure Gnassingbé’s rule. He was also a member of the Togolese League for Human Rights.

Morocco is one of the NSO Group’s biggest clients and has used Pegasus to target as many as 10,000 phone numbers, including Sahraoui human rights activist Aminatou Haidar and Moroccan journalist Omar Radi. Radi – a freelance investigative journalist who covers human rights issues, social movements and land rights in Morocco – was surveilled three times.

Rwandan authorities used Pegasus spyware to potentially target more than 3,500 activists, journalists and politicians – including Carine Kanimba, the daughter of celebrated human rights hero Paul Rusesabagina. Rusesabagina is credited with saving more than 1,200 lives during the 1994 Rwandan genocide, and is currently imprisoned in Rwanda on terrorism charges.

Intermediaries and secondary channels

The use of a dubious reseller in Ghana is illustrative of, what Israel in Africa author Yotam Gidron calls, Israel’s “middle-man” approach to diplomacy in Africa.

For decades, Israel has – officially – invested very little in its formal diplomacy on the continent. Instead, the Israeli state relies on various private businessmen and intermediaries who use their access to local power-brokers to serve Israel’s foreign policy interests, sustaining Israel’s relationships with African leaders. It’s a brand of “back-channel diplomacy” that is thriving on the continent – and thoroughly devoid of transparency, says Africa Report journalist, Vincent Duhem.

Israel’s Defence Ministry approves sales of Pegasus, and plays a crucial role in its spread and use. The Israeli government recognises the diplomatic benefits of spyware exports and refuses to ban its sale despite the well-documented, bloody history of spyware. In fact, the Israeli government has deliberately kept its arms export licensing process opaque and shrouded in secrecy to encourage spyware exports, says Gidron.

This is why some Ghanaians are adamant that the Israeli government must be bear responsibility for its complicity.

Emmanuel Dogbevi points to a current Israeli investigation over the use of spyware on Israeli citizens as “convincing evidence that the Israeli government itself should take some responsibility.”

Emmanuel Dogbevi points to a current Israeli investigation over the use of spyware on Israeli citizens

“The buck stops with the Israeli government as regulator and policy formulator. The Israeli government is therefore culpable,” says Ghanaian human rights activist and former parliamentarian, Rudolf Amenga-Etego.

Israel’s unethical spyware diplomacy has far-reaching consequences for the international community. Governments, however, have been slow to address the issue.

Civil society organisations and digital rights defenders have acted more urgently. More than 150 human rights groups and independent experts have called on states to implement an immediate moratorium on the sale, transfer, and use of surveillance technology until a human rights-compliant regulatory framework is in place.

Ghanaian civil society group is also fighting back against the unlawful surveillance of citizens. Bernard Mornah, a member of the citizen movement ‘Arise Ghana’, which recently mobilised street demonstrations in Accra, says his group will be seeking a Parliamentary enquiry into the use of Pegasus in Ghana since 2017.

Oliver Barker-Vormawor, says #FixtheCountry intends to file a right to information request regarding the use of Pegasus by successive Ghanaian governments and will litigate all the way to the Supreme Court if necessary.

Angela Quintal, head of the Africa Program at the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), welcomes these initiatives as well as Israeli activists seeking an investigation into the sale of Pegasus to Ghana. “Efforts to shine a light on this opaque industry are welcome,” says Quintal.

Spyware is central to Israel’s political ambitions in Africa and it has bought Tel Aviv acceptance on a continent where Israel was once shunned diplomatically. As Israel exports its expertise in surveillance in exchange for diplomatic gains in Africa, we can no longer stand by and watch as Israel deepens dictatorships and weakens democracy in Africa.

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