The selection of a running mate stands as one of the most crucial decisions facing Malawi’s President Lazarus Chakwera ahead of the 2025 election. Since Malawi’s transition to democracy in 1994, only President Bakili Muluzi managed to maintain the same running mate—Justin Malewezi—across multiple elections. Now, following the death of Vice President Saulos Chilima, Chakwera faces mounting pressure to choose a partner who can help salvage his declining popularity.
The President’s Predicament
Recent polling paints a stark picture of public dissatisfaction. An August 2024 Afrobarometer survey revealed that 76% of Malawians believe the country has veered off course. The Office of the President and Cabinet now ranks as the second most corrupt institution in public perception, trailing only the Malawi Police Service.
Chakwera’s initial election in June 2020 secured an impressive 59% majority, built on a coalition that included Chilima’s UTM party and former President Joyce Banda’s influence. But his subsequent governance choices—prioritizing Malawi Congress Party (MCP) loyalists and personal connections over merit-based appointments—have eroded that broad support base.
Malawi’s political landscape once featured cabinets of exceptional talent. Kamuzu Banda’s 1964 cabinet included luminaries like the Chisizas, Chipembere, and Chiume. Bakili Muluzi’s 1994 administration boasted Malewezi, Aleke Banda, and Edward Bwanali. Bingu wa Mutharika’s cabinet featured accomplished leaders like Goodall Gondwe, Joyce Banda, and Sidik Mia.
Regional Politics and Electoral Math
Malawi’s voting patterns follow distinct regional lines. The Southern and Central regions typically support candidates from their respective areas. The Northern region, having voted for a northern candidate only once in 1994, tends to back opposition parties—except in 2009, when they supported the incumbent.
This regional dynamic creates a clear imperative: Chakwera needs a running mate from the South to counter the Democratic Progressive Party’s (DPP) Peter Mutharika and maintain regional balance. However, his options are limited.
The Southern Candidates
Abida Mia
Currently serving as MCP’s second vice president, Mia represents Chakwera’s strongest option from the Southern Region. Her political capital in the Lower Shire region is substantial, though limited by the area’s economic struggles and natural disaster vulnerability. Unlike her well-respected father-in-law Sidik Mia, she lacks national recognition beyond her home base.
Moses Kunkuyu
The Information Minister has developed a reputation of having too many homes that he is unlikely to win any votes in the South, as he attempted to run in Dedza. He is already said to be heading to Dedza for a parliamentary seat.
Gospel Kazako
The first Information Minister for President Chakwera had public support until his administration started floundering and he became a poster boy for defending failures. He failed to establish a political base and the fact that he comes from the Abida Mia base, reduces his potential influence as a crowd puller to bring the magic plus one required for the President to retain his seat.
Micheal Usi
The current vice president’s tenure has been marked by missed opportunities. His attempt to emulate Chilima’s style fell flat, with critics comparing him more to a comedic character than a national leader. His inability to articulate clear solutions during economic challenges has diminished his electoral value.
He decided to play drama and santa instead of providing a voice of solutions to the hard-hitting economy. He attempted to be a “Chilima” but became something like Manganya of Tikufelanji making it difficult for voters to identify him as a leader with his own policy drive or political stamina.
He will not even win a parliamentary seat whether in Mulanje or worse in Blantyre where he was laying the groundwork before fate propelled to the number two post. He does not add value to the government as he failed to articulate how different he was in understanding the challenges Malawians are facing now.
Patricia Akweni Kaliati
The former UTM strongwoman failed to read the tide within her own backyard and performed miserably. This weakened her prospects politically and she requires a huge reset to gain her political strength. She can’t attract UTM members to an alliance with MCP.
Kondwani Nankhumwa
The former DPP vice president’s new People’s Democratic Party (PDP) has struggled to gain traction. His situation mirrors that of Brown Mpinganjira, whose political career effectively ended after leaving a major party for an independent bid. Nankhumwa’s best path forward likely lies in securing a parliamentary seat rather than seeking the vice presidency.
Eastern Region Alternatives
Ibrahim Matola
A seasoned legislator and Muslim scholar fluent in seven languages, Matola could help secure the Islamic vote. However, his political inactivity and the region’s economic challenges—particularly regarding South African trade relations and passport issues—make him a risky choice.
Nancy Tembo
The current Foreign Affairs Minister stands out for avoiding controversy in Chakwera’s cabinet. Despite facing resistance due to her Yao heritage from Mangochi and marriage to the Tembo family, she has proven her political acumen by twice winning Lilongwe’s diverse Ngwenya constituency. Her selection could provide the strategic surprise Chakwera needs to rejuvenate his campaign.
The Central Region Question
The possibility of selecting a running mate from the same region as the president isn’t without precedent in Malawi’s political history. Two successful precedents exist: Bingu wa Mutharika and Joyce Banda (both from the Southern Region) formed a winning ticket, as did Chakwera and Chilima (both from the Central Region) in 2020.
Central Region Possibilities
Yes, its possible to have a President and Vice from the same region, the only question is the tactic used. Unfortunately MCP’s tactic and strategy has been wanting that it would backfire spectacularly. But in our politics, it has happened and in both cases, the pair won.
Bingu and Dr. Joyce Banda both came from the Southern Region (forget Eastern region doesn’t exist in the public service map) But Dr. Banda was an achiever in her own right with a huge women’s movement and Bingu’s first four years were a magic bullet.
Bingu also had a strong cabinet, where almost every Minister could make a presidential candidate. The last of such cabinets were Kamuzu’s 1964 and Bakili Muluzi’s 1994 cabinets. Where a star-studded personality worked to deliver.
Unfortunately, President Chakwera has maintained dead wood for years, some Ministers, one would be surprised they are in Cabinet unless they are opening a workshop. Where Kamuzu had Chisiza’s, Chipembere, Kanyama Chiumes, Chibambo, Bakili had Malewezi’, Aleke Banda, Edward Bwanali, Harry Thompson and Itimu’s. Bingu had Goodall Gondwes, Joyce Banda, Khumbo Kachali, Henry Duncan Phoya, Ken Lipengas and Sidik Mias and many more.
In contrast, Chakwera’s current cabinet lacks similar depth. Key figures like Chimwendo Banda, Khumbize Kandodo, and Deus Gumba function more as party loyalists than independent political forces. Notable gaps exist in cabinet representation from crucial areas like Salima, Nkhotakota, and Dedza—regions that could provide valuable running mate options. There is no single cabinet members from these districts.
Ministers like Khumbize Kandondo and Sam Kawale are projected to lose their parliamentary seats while others like Simplex Chithyola Banda have to fight for their parliamentary seats as the powerful Chimwendo Banda is said to have planted his own team to replace potential rivals for the 2030 presidential race.
The second pair to run without regions was President Chakwera himself and Late Saulos Chilima, they come from Lilongwe and Ntcheu which are all Central Region. The Late SKC had urban and Northern votes where UTM did well in 2019. SKC was a political powerhouse on his own garnering 1 million votes at his first attempt.
Unfortunately, after the treatment and the comic tragic reaction to SKCs death, Chakwera is unlikely to get votes in Ntcheu nor hardcore UTM or SKC supporters. He needs to find his plus one outside his region. He has lost so much that even Lakeshore Regions and Kasungu look shaky as well as Lilongwe City.
He could scout Henry Chimunthu Banda, former Speaker of Parliament and once DPP Secretary General in 2009 landslide elections but his influence, a decade after he left the frontline before making a parliamentary comeback in 2019 is a challenge just as much as he comes from Nkhotakota and not the northern region. But he could still have a value than many other candidates in the region.
Henry Chimunthu Banda
The former Speaker of Parliament and DPP Secretary General presents an intriguing option from Nkhotakota. Though his decade-long absence from frontline politics before his 2019 parliamentary return poses challenges, his experience and stature could add value to the ticket.
Northern Region Candidates
The Northern Region’s voting pattern makes it crucial for any presidential candidate’s success. Since 1994, the region has shown remarkable political flexibility, supporting different parties and coalitions:
- 1994: Chakufwa Chihana (AFORD)
- 2004: Gwanda Chakuamba (Mgwirizano Coalition)
- 2009: Bingu wa Mutharika (DPP)
- 2014: Joyce Banda (PP)
- 2019: Saulos Chilima (UTM)
- 2020: Chakwera-Chilima Tonse Alliance
Key Northern Candidates
Catherine Gotani Hara (Speaker)
Making history as Malawi’s first female Speaker of Parliament, Hara faces several challenges:
Her partisan approach contrasts with the respected neutrality of predecessors like Rodwell Munyenyembe and Louis Chimango. Constitutional constraints require her resignation as Speaker to run for another office which could see her lose benefits and Limited independent political base beyond MCP structures and alignment with one faction.
She could try to develop stronger connections with women’s groups and broader constituency building to make herself a national candidate.
Engineer Vitumbiko Mumba
The newly appointed Labor Minister shows promise but faces significant hurdles. He had a strong showing at the MCP convention with 40% delegate support but needs to transform from “almost winner” to a proven leader. He must also build a broader coalition beyond youth support.
His other challenge is to overcome the perception of being “specially connected” to the president’s family while his recent Katoto rally showed potential, but requires a wider regional appeal.
Ken Zikhale Ng’oma
While a loyal party soldier, his limitations include: Poor performance at the MCP convention damaged vice-presidential prospects, strong campaigning abilities but questionable vote-pulling capacity and need to refine the messaging approach for 2025
Kezzie Msukwa
Despite holding influence in North North region he struggled at party convention despite chairperson position and has limited appeal beyond Chitipa as such lacks broader regional influence.
Others but pairing with the President could cost their appeal
Presidents Bingu wa Mutharika, President Joyce Banda and President Peter Mutharika had to change running mates after falling out with their deputies mainly based on gossip from some closest allies who painted the Vice Presidents as “too ambitious” or seeking to “kill” the President.
President Chakwera too ended up publicly naming and suspending Saulos Chilima despite the ACB report clearly asking him not to mentions names as investigations were not completed.
Others like Richard Msowoya, Khumbo Kachali, Enock Chihana and Frank Mwenefumbo would think twice before accepting to pair with the President as the region is unpredictable- it could end up ending their political careers for good if they lose.
Strategic Considerations
The selection of a running mate from either the Central or Northern regions presents distinct challenges for President Chakwera:
Central Region Selection:
- Risks reinforcing perceptions of regional bias
- Could further alienate other regions
- Might concentrate rather than expand the electoral base
Northern Region Selection:
- Offers the opportunity to broaden the coalition
- Challenges include finding candidate with genuine regional pull
- Must balance party loyalty with independent political strength
The ideal candidate needs to bring both regional appeal and national credibility while helping address the administration’s current challenges in governance and public trust. Whether such a candidate exists in either region remains a mystery for now.
The Path Forward
As Chakwera approaches the 2025 election, his running mate selection must balance regional representation, political experience, and public trust. The stronger opposition candidates from South—Dr. Dalitso Kabambe of UTM and UDF’s Atupele Muluzi—appear unlikely to accept a subordinate role, given Chakwera’s history with Chilima and current political standing.
The president’s choice will need to address multiple challenges: rebuilding trust after corruption allegations, countering perceptions of regional bias, and presenting a compelling vision for Malawi’s future. Whether he can find a running mate capable of helping him overcome these obstacles may well determine his chances of securing a second term.
Editors View: Not too late to assert your authority President Chakwera
We end 2024 sadly without any hope or leadership for 2025. The President has been living in a world far from reality. He only parrots the speeches that he has been given and there is no defined personal vision of what he wants to achieve. Its very difficult to comprehend what goes on in the mind of a President who allows his officials to steal or attempt to steal public funds with impunity, delays inquiries for months only to come up with a questionable team but more importantly doesn’t see the need for merit. Simple things like having a seasoned economist to steer the economy out of the doldrums it has been stuck in since 2022. Or having a Head of Public Service who stays focused on improving service delivery and does not strike deals with fake or ghost Sheikhs. Or simply having a vibrant Anti-Corruption Bureau that can bite anyone and not only DPP’s Norman Chisale. Having an Inspector General of Police who commands the confidence of the public that its job is to protect Malawians, and defend democracy and not current obsession of arresting opposition and critics of his administration.
If he can only start acting like a Head of State not only the head of the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) half of the free ride he has given to the opposition will disappear. Otherwise not only will he have a nightmare to run with an already politically damaged Veep, but at 70 in 2025, he will have a nightmare of living his post-Presidency era with a damaged legacy. Only if he can start acting right by asserting his authority and making decisions in public interest. So far he has failed.
