Tungwa’s cousin’s look at Sattars case and latest developments.
In the world of crime and punishment, two things need to line up for a conviction: actus reus (the physical act) and mens rea (the mental intent). Simple, right? Not when it comes to corruption, especially in a country like Malawi, where it’s a team sport. In the case of Zuneth Sattar, these two elements became muddled, and a once-promising investigation spiralled into one of the largest scandals the country has seen. If this were a movie, we’d call it The Godfather: Malawi Edition. But unfortunately, there’s no happy ending here.
Meet the Godfather of Malawi
Zuneth Sattar, born in 1981, isn’t your average entrepreneur. He was the kind of guy who didn’t just deal in real estate; he dealt in influence. Power? Check. Connections? A thousand. Legal boundaries? Optional.
In fact, Sattar’s influence was so vast, he had Principal Secretaries in the Ministry of Lands giving him private tours of prime land in Lilongwe’s City Centre and Old Town. Over 40 properties were essentially on his shopping list, and the man rarely bothered with land rates. After all, why pay taxes when you can buy entire districts with the wave of a bribe?
Corruption at the Highest Levels
Sattar’s network didn’t stop at city planners. Oh no, he penetrated the Malawi Defence Force (MDF) and Malawi Police Services. But don’t worry, it wasn’t all just bribing cops and soldiers. The guy had taste. We’re talking luxury cars, smart TVs, and scotch on the rocks (well, maybe not the last one, but you get the point). Top officials were happy to turn a blind eye to the billions of kwachas flowing into his pockets as long as the good gifts kept coming.
At the peak of this scandal, Sattar’s cases were valued at a staggering $56 million. That’s roughly K112 billion worth of contracts. To put it into perspective, that’s enough fuel for Malawi for an entire month—or 112 businesses run by indigenous Malawians. Yet, for some, the bribe was as small as a luxury vehicle or, for the really frugal, a smart TV.
The NCA’s Investigation: Enter the White Hats
So, the corruption was cooking for years. But, alas, the long arm of international law has a way of catching up with things. The National Crime Agency (NCA) in the UK started sniffing around, using covert operations like listening devices in Sattar’s office and home. They were building a case. Months of investigation followed. August 2021 saw them plant the phones, and according to sources, what they heard on those recordings could collapse the entire country.
Sattar thought he was untouchable. But then came the ACB (Anti-Corruption Bureau), a supposedly independent agency, that should have stepped in to help clean up this mess. Martha Chizuma, then Director-General of the ACB, took the bait, thinking she could finally fight corruption on a grand scale. But she didn’t quite grasp the political reality of the game. She learned the hard way that “corruption investigations” are often about the past… unless, of course, you’re talking about the present administration.
When the Godfather Strikes Back
By October 2021, Sattar was arrested in the UK. But his shockwaves didn’t stop there. By early 2022, the political giants of Malawi were starting to feel the heat. Top officials were named, including Vice President Saulosi Chilima, President Chakwera’s right-hand man Chief of Staff Prince Kapondamgaga, and even the Inspector General of Police. High-profile figures were linked to Sattar’s empire, including MCP Secretary-General Eisenhower Mkaka, who was implicated in receiving a Mercedes-Benz as a bribe.
Chizuma, eager to investigate, faced mounting pressure from all sides. President Lazarus Chakwera was caught between a rock and a hard place—his own administration was implicated, and the ACB’s report on the scandal wasn’t exactly what he had hoped for. The President took to the airwaves, dismissing the report as “shoddy” and “half-baked.” Meanwhile, insiders whispered that he was more than a little upset with Chizuma for daring to rock the boat. Joyce Banda, the previous president, had faced a similar scandal with Cashgate but had dealt with it head-on. Chakwera? Not so much.
The Silencing of Martha Chizuma
In December 2023, Chizuma’s arrest became the climax of this drama. Speculation ran rampant that her arrest was orchestrated by the Director of Public Prosecutions, Steven Kayuni, and other political figures, hoping to bury the scandal for good. State House and Parliament were embroiled in a cover-up of monumental proportions.
But as the case continued to evolve, Chizuma’s arrest raised more questions than answers. Chakwera played the part of the oblivious leader, claiming he didn’t know about the corruption unfolding within his administration. Meanwhile, the UK, EU, and USA ambassadors gave him an ultimatum—take action to stop the harassment of Chizuma or face sanctions.
Chizuma was interdicted by the Secretary to the President, Colleen Zamba, but the High Court ruled that the action was an abuse of power. It seemed like the Godfather had his fingers in all the right pies, and there was no escaping his grasp.
The Aftermath: Cover-Up and Censorship
After Chizuma’s departure, the ACB was largely paralysed. The new Deputy DG Hilary Chilomba was openly quoted by his staff as saying that there was “no evidence” in Sattar’s case. A series of cases were quietly withdrawn. Public officials, from judges to editors to MPs, all found refuge in their “peaceful” settlements. And Sattar? Well, he continued living large, knowing that his empire’s secrets are locked away tight in ACB, State House, and Parliament files.
In the world of bribery, actus reus is the bribe—the physical object that exchanges hands. The mens rea is the intent behind it—the desire to influence decisions for corrupt gain. Under the UK Bribery Act 2010, bribing a foreign public official is a serious crime. Many of the accused officials in Malawi have returned their gifts, but the big question remains: Why were they gifted in the first place? The tapes from Sattar’s offices will likely tell us all we need to know.
Yet, as the dust settles, one thing is clear: Malawi’s corruption case is far from over, and with 99 convictions under the UK Bribery Act since 2011, the NCA isn’t about to let this one go. None mentioned in court this week should dare to step into the UK, they could be state guests.
